Adaobi Nwaubani
Amatoritsero Ede
Ando Yeva
Ayesha H. Attah
Bobby Gawthrop
Brian Chikwava
Chuma Nwokolo
Crispin Oduobuk
Fela
Kuti
Fiona Jamieson
Florence Nenakwe
Funsho Ogundipe
Genna Gardini
George E. Clarke
G.Namukasa
Grace Kim
Isabella Morris
Isobel Dixon
Ivor W. Hartmann
Jane Bryce
Kobus Moolman
Meshack
Owino
Mwila
A. Zaza
Patrice Nganang
Petina
Gappah
Rudolf Okonkwo
Samed Aydin
Tanure Ojaide
Tola
Ositelu
Uche Peter Umez
Unoma Azuah
Uzor M. Uzoatu
Wole
Soyinka
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Rethinking City Hall |
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Isabella Morris
Morris has a MA in Writing from the University of the Witwatersrand.
She has written a novel on Moroccan migrants. She is a finalist
in the 2009 PEN/Studzinsi Awards (for Bluette)
and is the 2007 POWA Women’s Writing, short story
winner. Her winning entry appears in Breaking
the Silence. Her publishing credits include
wordsetc, The Times, and Baobab.
She blogs at www.
wordworx.wordpress.com
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Personal Ghosts
The Germiston City Hall (GCH) is an unremarkable building.
Its nondescript yellow brick façade set in a city surrounded
by a crescent of Highveld-blonde mine-dumps doesn’t project
the gothic grandeur of the Cape Town City Hall, or the majesty of
the Durban City Hall; it isn’t quite as modest as the original
Swakopmund Town Hall nor is it as imposing as the resilient City Hall
in Maputo. Instead, she squats like an old woman amid other old-maid
city buildings, degenerate and dusty, and staring out at a city that
no longer considers her its soul. Yet the voluminous skirt of her
wide steps and front door fan out to accept the children who return
to her folds – I am one of those children, and so were thousands
of people who fled from their homes during the xenophobic attacks
in May 2008.
Places in our past are landmarks of our history,
and GCH is one of my personal landmarks: my consciousness is imprinted
with my experiences there. When I first stepped into the gloomy
supper hall annexed to the main hall in May last year, nostalgia
was provoked by an assault of sensory memories. The smell of the
boiled cabbage that accompanied the lunches served when I received
mayoral awards during my teens in the mid-70s still clings to the
heavy curtains. The bell that chimed in the now-defunct clock tower
used to remind me to high-tail it to the bus stop so that I didn’t
miss the last bus home. The grey, inky smell on my parents’
fingers, worn-out from counting votes there during elections in
the 70s and the 80s, reminded me of long, lonely nights spent reading
as I waited for them to come home.
But, most importantly of all, when I observed the
bare feet of the refugees I recalled the scrape of the gritty parquet
floor under my feet as I dashed around the City Hall in April 1992,
flitting between wide-eyed people as I tried to locate my mother
and sister to tell them that my father had died suddenly. It is
unsurprising then that my involvement in the relief work for the
displaced people occurred in the familiar chambers of the city hall
that had featured so prominently during various stages of my life.
On the cold winter morning my family and an employee,
Ali Phiri, set up two rickety tables and a gas stove on the west
side of GCH to feed the foreigners who had been stoned, stabbed,
kicked, bludgeoned and abused as they fled from Marathon, Dikathole
and Roseacres informal settlements in Germiston. The displaced people
stood in an orderly line in front of us, even though they hadn’t
had a meal or a warm drink for three days. One man’s head
was a scab-cake of dried blood, his blue jersey a stiff, bruised
purple from the blood, but he had no other clothes to change into.
A man who has lived in South Africa for 21 years, waved his son’s
death certificate at us in anger.
“How can you serve food when my son is dead,
lying in the mortuary waiting to be buried?” He cried as he
walked around in circles, then his shoulders slumped and he apologised
for his anger, but he simply had nobody else to tell of his loss.
A teenager carrying an empty white backpack with broken zips sobbed
without shame as he accepted whatever food and drink was thrust
into his hands, but he walked away without gobbling it down; nobody
knew who he was, where his family was or if he spoke Shangaan or
Portuguese. Another man’s face was right-side heavy from the
swelling of the beating he had received; he wore a pair of khaki
trousers and his brown chest was naked against the brisk winter
wind. He sat on the sidewalk and stared at the yoghurt we’d
given him, but he did not have the co-ordination to removed the
foil covering; he did not have the energy to release a full sob,
pain and anger were strangled in the dry moans that creaked in his
throat as he sat trembling on the inhospitable pavement.
A Refuge in Crisis
The GCH had relinquished most of its civic duties to the newly-built
Germiston Civic Centre in the 1980s. However, a community’s
perception of a place is shaped by their imagined function of the
structure and it is evident that the displaced Mozambicans, Zimbabweans,
Malawians and Congolese in Germiston attached the tag of civic protector
to the GCH. Even after independence from colonial rule most citizens
of African states have continued to attach political specificity
to city halls, regarding them as civic structures. So it was appropriate
therefore that Zimbabwean refugee, Joseph Ndlovu (who appointed
himself the crisis leader of the locally displaced people) chose
to settle the foreign nationals assembling in the streets of Germiston
within the structure of the City Hall. He sought out the caretaker
and requested the keys.
GCH contained the tensions of the xenophobic event
and united diverse groups. It was no longer an inactive structure
but had become an active communal container reacting to the needs
of the community. As the numbers swelled into the thousands, Joseph
called for representatives from the Malawians, Mozambicans and Zimbabweans.
The Congolese community would not join the displaced population
at GCH, preferring to hide their community in an un-named church,
coming only for food to take back to where they were hiding. The
GCH committee members drew up a list of spaces within the city hall
and decided what they should be used for: The Lambert Street entrance
was where donations were collected by porters; these volunteers
were dressed in bright blue golf-shirts with distinctive orange
collars. All donations were carried to the stage where they were
entered into a register and from there they were channelled to their
respective destinations: Food to the kitchen in the basement, nappies
and formula to the nursery behind the supper room, disinfectant
and toiletries to the bathroom adjacent to Lambert Street, creams,
ointments and bandages to the medical station off the reception
hall and blankets, fresh fruit and clothing to the displaced who
sat on the chairs or the floor.
Within the physical and the non-physical dimensions
of the city hall the foreigners were given an opportunity to claim
their lost space. In the main hall, volunteer psychologists counselled
people who were traumatised by their experiences. As I watched one
of the volunteers touched the hand of someone who had introduced
herself to me as Helen, I felt my own mother’s cool fingers
removing a thorn from my finger and I smelled the cucumber scent
of the freshly cut stems of the roses I was using in a floral arrangement
entitled: “Floral Basket Bouquet” for which I was awarded
a silver certificate. That Saturday afternoon, the hall was filled
with about a hundred young girls and their attentive mothers trying
to help them win the floral eisteddfod.
When I visited the kitchen to deliver vegetable
graters and bottle brushes and serving spoons, I recalled the Brownie
badge for food preparation that eluded me for the best part of my
eleventh year because I couldn’t fry bread properly; but etiquette
and perfect breakfasts had no place in the steamy kitchen that sweated
around the clock to ensure that every one of the thousands of empty
bellies was filled.
In the supper room, entrepreneurs set up shop.
One man commandeered some of the plastic chairs and plugged in his
television set and charged people to watch the soccer. A man sold
bananas for R2 from a big box, upon which he rested his broken leg
encased in a plaster cast. One of the porters sold food and clothing
from a suitcase piled on top of other luggage.
It is common practice for foreigners to seek out
a place in their new environment where they can alleviate their
displacement anxiety, and City Hall eased my own civic anxiety.
Although I’d spent almost two decades raising a family, I
felt ashamed that sometime in the early 90s I’d stopped adding
my voice to the injustices that had persisted in spite of democracy.
So, having to clear my throat and start campaigning for supplies
and corporate assistance quickly knocked me out of my comfortable
perch and delivered me into the role of aid worker.
Since the watershed 1994 election, I didn’t
think my voice needed to be heard over the cheerful din of people
exercising their croaky, untested voices. I was wrong, and speaking
to donors and sponsors, I found that I had missed the sound of my
voice: I’d missed doing what Sister Finbarr, a beloved teacher
had encouraged all of us to do – to help the community. Many
of the displaced children who were from Dikatole would have played
in the community centre that Sister Finbarr’s pupils had helped
to build; for three years we’d held cake sales and jumble
sales to raise the money to build the church - that was its original
function; but, like City Hall, it had transformed into a community
centre.
A Crisis School
Helen, a Zimbabwean mother, approached me in tears, afraid that
her son would fail the Matric. if he didn’t return to school.
The headmaster at Germiston High School would not take my call;
speaking through his secretary he explained that the school could
not accept a matric student at such a critical point in the final
year and that the school wasn’t responsible for taking in
the displaced school children even though they fell within the school’s
physical jurisdiction. In the hall itself cabin fever had taken
hold and the traumatised parents weren’t able to keep their
lively children occupied. In desperation I asked one of Joseph’s
officials to go on the stage and announce that I needed the help
of any qualified teachers. Eight men and women came forward; Frans
didn’t have his papers with him but promised to return to
Marathon to retrieve them so that he could be included in my plan
to start a school. I could only imagine how desperate he must have
been, to want to return to the hotbed of xenophobia, and I told
him I didn’t need a piece of paper to prove his professional
credentials.
Joseph promised us the use of an unused space in
the supper room and in an undemocratic moment I appointed Partson
Madzimure as headmaster and while he convened with the teachers
to delegate duties I undertook to supply the provisions. I’d
built a school once; I could do it again. Jill, a donor from Bryanston,
delivered three blackboards, the children’s play-type blackboards,
but they would do. Books arrived by the truck-load and crayons,
paper and shelving were all in place on the day the school opened.
Staff from The Blue Door Hairdresser & Beauty Salon arrived in convoy
with the specialist supplies we’d requested. |
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Modest Beginnings: the
GCH School |
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I had just dropped my daughter at school the following
morning, when I received this sms from Partson:
“Ok set up is in place in the hall
wl start registration of pupils. Orientation in hall at 8am.”
Another sms followed:
“Hav opened the schl in style teaching
now on.”
When I retrieved email, there was Partson’s
shopping list for the school: “Germiston Refugee School. Books
for teachers – teaching guides for pre-grade to Grade 12.
Toys, colourful blocks, portable boards, chalk, dusters, charts,
magic markers, manila sheets, picture charts, clay for moulding,
erasable boards, old tyres, balls, musical instruments (for children),
computers.” The occupation of City Hall, and all of its social
connotations, provided the different foreign groups at City with
a deceptive bond to their assumed country. The school, which was
renamed The Good Hope School was a school in the traditional
sense of the word, but it could not offer its pupils any of the
benefits that came with being a legally recognised school.
Foreigners usually have limited access to South
African public buildings, and certainly any city officials who made
informal visits to the GCH neither officially welcomed nor rejected
the thousands who called GCH home, neither legitimising nor contesting
the foreigner’s use of the space as refuge. Because the Germiston
Civic Centre had neutralised the traditional function of the GCH,
making it a place of unspecified status, it could adopt a political
distance from what happened there, but at the same time it meant
that this undefined official status made its function flexible and
open to new use. GCH became a place in which the displaced, under
their own command, could re-order their chaotic world and re-establish
their identity. Instead of the static place it had been since the
erection of the Civic Centre, the GCH evolved into a dynamic structure
and its political impotence was healed by its foreign residents’
need for safety and sustenance, and by their quest to claim their
identity. Ironically, the GCH reverted to its traditional function
as civic protector.
Throughout the occupation of the City Hall, the
sporadic and limited support from local government came in the form
of the assistance of the city’s health clinic sisters in the
nursery. Food arrived courtesy of a woman who came in her broken
car to deliver a loaf of bread every single day; more food came
courtesy of Gift of the Givers, the Jewish Board of Deputies, Woolworths,
Pick ‘n Pay and hundreds of ordinary local citizens. Red Cross
only arrived in the second week, set up tables and wrote down names,
but a local construction company, and the staff of a bank, supplied
bandages and medical supplies to the two volunteer paramedics -
brothers who had taken leave from their ordinary jobs to help until
the government stepped in. Medecin Sans Frontiers did not answer
their phone, but they arrived shortly after the Red Cross, and the
foreign press flocked to interview their representatives.
Every morning when we arrived at City Hall we were
assailed with requests, from X who needed ARV medication, to Andrea
who needed a multiple plug adapter to charge cellphones. And then
there were the smaller groups, the Malawians and the DRC nationals
who wanted access to their governments. Standing over the bonnet
of our car we telephoned foreign consulates and embassies and arranged
their visits to City Hall where they could establish contact with
their displaced nationals. Then, when foreign governments no longer
answered their phones, we canvassed businesses to sponsor buses
for those people who wished to be repatriated. Those who could not
imagine a future in South Africa returned home with a bucket of
fresh food, personal hygiene supplies and packs of clothing.
The only people who requested money during the
entire period were random ‘city’ officials who felt
entitled to a stipend; the foreigners themselves asked only for
soap and water. Ekurhuleni Metropolitan Council could not supply
water bowsers or portable toilets so a metal smelting company delivered
at least a dozen toilets and paid to have them emptied regularly.
The benefits of having a stable location were apparent,
the sense of location reduced the vulnerability that some of the
displaced people felt and provided them with a measure of stability;
this was evident in how some of the foreigners continued to work,
or look for work, and return to City Hall where they felt safe.
Trauma and its manifestations can not be ignored,
and it was in the young mothers that the trauma seemed to be most
evident: their milk dried up and they were unable to feed their
newborn infants. Within three days, three babies were born and the
new babies and mothers were given a special place to rest in the
nursery. One morning I went to congratulate one of the mothers and
she burst into tears as she clung to my hand. She was suffering
from post-natal depression, and obviously trauma, and as she wept
I remembered a more comfortable bed, yet similar disconsolate feelings
on the nights when I’d tried to hold my eyes open with my
fingers so that I would still be awake when my parents returned
home from canvassing or electioneering.
One distressed mother, Patricia, who was unable
to cope with the trauma of her experience, tried to strangle her
three month-old daughter Priscilla several times, fortunately she
was stopped by other mothers in the nursery. When the nursery floors
was being cleaned and disinfected one afternoon, Patricia approached
me in a state of turmoil waving an empty bottle in the air. I asked
someone to take her to the kitchen where she could get the water
she needed. The language barrier prevented me from understanding
what she was saying, and perhaps had I understood I would have been
able to appreciate the depth of her frustration and muddled state
of mind.
The next evening she took Priscilla to the toilets
and tried to drown her, but again she was discovered. Later that
evening she fled, leaving the baby behind. Sister Nomsa who was
in charge of the nursery, slept at City Hall and looked after Priscilla
but admitted her to the local hospital two days later when she developed
a fever. Patricia returned to City Hall and was taken to hospital
by a volunteer foster family who saw to it that the distressed mother
got the medical and psychological attention that she needed. An
email received from the foster family read, “We saw Priscilla
and her mother, Patricia, at the Germiston Hospital today. The nurses
say that they are both doing very well, and Patricia has managed
to carry on breastfeeding.”
When government finally claimed a stake in the
xenophobic disaster, the displaced people who remained at City Hall
were fortunate enough to have their interests represented by a committee
that they had elected, a committee that was representative of all
foreign nationals at GCH. When the government announced that the
GCH inhabitants would be relocated to a site opposite the Rand Airport,
their relocation, while not uncontested, was more easily negotiated
because the people felt as though their collective voice had been
heard.
Looking back at my exposure to City Hall during
the xenophobic crisis, I haven’t confirmed with any certainty
who or what legitimises the use of a status-free civic structure
like City Hall. What I do know is that when a community inhabits
a place they have an expectation of the support that they imagine
will accompany their occupation. I believe that it is up to the
inhabitants of a place to configure a structure that will reflect
their shifting and dynamic needs; this configuration must be inclusive
of all groups, whether they are legal or not. To ignore the displaced
is to disregard the social realities of those people who are contributing
to the social and economic terrain of the country. We should look
to creating a sympathetic landscape that includes and nurtures all
citizens, legitimate and those who are merely temporarily hosted.
City Hall is a major landmark in the geographical
terrain of my psyche. It is where I learned about civic duty and
where I re-committed myself to civic involvement. It will always
be the place where I had to go to tell my mother that my father
was dead. It will always be the place where I witnessed thousands
of people catch their collective breaths before they felt safe to
reclaim their right to live in South Africa. In the landscape of
my life, City Hall looms large and significant – it is the
true north on my compass of social responsibility.
Post Script – The Good
Hope School is now a legally-registered school that operates in
Johannesburg city centre under the headmaster Partson Madzimure.
As he so proudly states, 'It is an international school for all
children.' |
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